论文标题:新中国前30年党的非公有制经济政策的回顾与反思
A Retrospection And Rumination Of The Party"s Non-Publicly-Owned Economy Policies In The Early30 Years of New China
论文作者 欧健
论文导师 马同增,论文学位 硕士,论文专业 中共党史
论文单位 河南大学,点击次数 165,论文页数 37页File Size1648k
2001-06-01论文网 http://www.lw23.com/lunwen_87785942/ 中国;非公有制经济;生产力水平
China;NPO economy;condition of productive force
举证责任分配制度是民事诉讼的核心制度之一，其设立目的主要是解决案件 事实真伪不明时法官如何裁判问题。所以无论大陆法系抑或英美法系都一向重视 该制度的研究、运用。但由于受传统审判理念的影响，我国对该制度重视不够。 审判方式改革过程中通过强化当事人的举证责任，这一制度的地位相对凸显出来， 但由于理论准备不足和立法不完善，实践中有许多案件举证责任分配问题无法解 决。理论准备不足表现在对该制度研究不够集中，多采列学说而陈其利弊，缺乏 基本理论和实践操作层面的分析；立法不完善表现为虽有《民事诉讼法》第六十 四条第一款的规定，但规定过于笼统且存在诸多缺陷，远不足以适应诉讼中纷繁 复杂的情况需要。鉴于此，笔者通过举证责任分配的法系分析、价值分析，提出 了一种重构我国举证责任分配规则体系的思路。 全文分为引言、正文、结语三大部分。 引言：概述举证责任分配的制度价值，历史，我国目前情况下研究该问题的 必要性，并提出本文的写作思路。 正文包括三部分：两大法系举证责任分配的考察；举证责任分配的基本要求； 我国举证责任分配的评析与重构。 第一部分：两大法系举证责任分配的考察。该部分以法系为主线，各种分配 学说产生的先后为序对举证责任分配进行考察，侧重于各种学说的内容、依据分 析。各个法系学说的单独考察可以看出两大法系都是由追求统一分配规则转向依 据多元规则分配举证责任。两大法系的比较法考察则得出大陆法系并没从根本上 背离法律要件主义，它只是对法律要件分类说的修正而已，英美法系则完全采用 利益衡量说，产生这种分歧的原因在于二者法律思维方式的差异。 第二部分：举证责任分配的基本要求。该部分侧重于从法哲学角度对第一部 分所述规则背后的价值因素进行分析，认为举证责任分配的各种规则都是构架于 一定价值要求之上。这些要求包括实体性要求和程序性要求两个方面。实体性要 求主要指法的安定性、实现实体法目的和政策、使裁判最大限度贴近真实；程序性要求包括程序公正。程序效益、诚实信用原则，本文对这些要求进行了详细的论述。当然，各种举证责任分配规则各自所体现的价值要求有一定差异，本文指出了产生这些差异的原因。 第三部分：我国举证责任分配的评析与重构。评析是以第二部分所确立的举证责任分配基本要求为标准进行的。理论研究评析意在梳理我国目前关于举证分配研究的诸学说，认为目前我国现有的建构设想都不足以实现举证责任公平合理配置。立法评析则注重对我国《民事诉讼法》第六十四条第一款进行检讨，认为它并不能解决当事人之间于争议事实真伪不明时的风险责任划分问题。在这一部分，还对“适用‘谁主张，谁举证’分配举证责任不公时，可以利用举证责任倒置来弥补其缺陷”这一错误观点进行了批驳。基于此，笔者认为我国举证责任分配规则体系有必要重构。但笔者并没有立即着手进行具体规则的建构，而是首先为这一重构设立目标，旨在强调举证责任分配规则体系的建构应与我国目前国情相适应。最后，笔者提出了自己的建构思路：法律有规定的，依照法律的规定；法律没有规定，有举证责任契约的，依照举证责任契约；在既无法律规定又无举证责任契约时，首先依事件类型，考虑其个性、特征，确定该类事件所酮足的基本要求；其次，依特别要件事实说予以分配，分配结果符合按其事件类型所确立的基本要求的，遵守之，不符的，适用利益衡量说。 结语：笔者进一步点明本文的意图，并针对自己的思路可能产生的问题提供了相应的对策。
In the course of the industrialization and the socialist modernizalion construction ofour country which is backward in economy and culture and undeveloped in productiveforce. how to treat the Non-publicly-owned(NPO. hereaffer) economy and develop thepublicly-owned and NPO economies at the same time is a great issues pazzling our socialist country over a long period of time. After the founding of New China. CCP hadmade a harduous inquiry into this issue. However, due to many causes, The Party"sNPO ecnnomic policies had undergone a tortuous way, especially in the 30 years beforethe 3rd plenary session of the 11th central committee of CCP. it was more tortuous,complicated and changeable, and a NPO economic policy suitable to the Chinese devel-oping condition of productive force had never been found. This is a new issue to besearched deeply. This paper, through the retrospection of the evolutionary history ofthe party"s NPO economic policy in the early 30 years of new china, analyses the mainreasons for the serious mistakes of Party"s NPO economic policy and summarizes theexperiences and lessons with the aim of be useful and benefitiaI to the understanding atpresent of the new thoughts new policies about the socialist state of ownership, re-searching and perfecting the structure of it continuously.This paper consists of three parts.In part one, the author makes a retrospection of the Part"s NPO economic policiesin three historcal periods. In the period of revival of the untronal economy, the Partyhad a right understanding to the chinese productive force, and on the basis of that, shehad formulated a quite right NPO economie policies. In the period of the first Five-year-plan, the socialist transformation began, the essence of which was to change theindividual ownership into the public one. Eliminating the individually-owned economytoo early artificially, causing an unfavourable effect on Chinese economic developmentand people"s lives. In the third period from "The Great Leaps Forward" to the 3rdplenary session of the 11th central committee of CCP. The subjects of the NPO econo-my had been transformed, and the main points of the Party"s NPO economic policeswere towards the self-held field in the contryside, household sideline production, mar-ket trade, and individual commerce and minor hand craft industry in cities. Even tothe remaints of the NPO economy, the Party"s POlicies also experienced changes from"left" devialion to redreSSing" left", to" Left" devialion apain, to at last extrome" Left".In part two, the author makes an analySis of the cause of the tortousness and mis-takes of the party"s NPO economic policies. He thinkS that the direct negation of thevalue of the caPitalism, taking the place of rational value judgement based on the scien-tific analySis, is the first cause. The direct neqation of the capitalist rationality existingin the specific historical period directly affected the formulation and corrying out of theParty"s NPO economic POIicies. And what"s more, in the period of demoeratic revolu-tionary, The Party had paid much attention to the combination of theory with prac-tice, taking the way of distinctive chinese features. After the success of Chinese revo-lution. however, the Party hadn" t logically, on the basis of that, made scientific re-search or careful deliomination of aspects of characteristics of the Socicalism to befounded in the future, but simply approved the soviet mode, and mechanically copiedcertain Marxist -- Leninist conclusions. This was the imPOrtant basis fOr the stern mea-sure adopted by the Party, for the NPO economy. Thirdly, The Long-term "Left"de-via tion in economy and pocitics is also one important cause for the mistakes of the Par-ty"s NPO economic POlicies.In part three, from the angle of rumination over history, it ruminates the NOPeconomic POlicies in the early 30 years of china, with the aim of providing some refer-ences for the
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